In Search of the Lost Roots of 'Being Together': Reflections on Modern Loneliness and the Foundations of Communality
In Search of the Lost Roots of 'Being Together'
Reflections on Modern Loneliness and the Material Foundations of Communality [Revised Edition]
Introduction: The Lost 'Being Together'
Setting the Question
We who live in modern society have attained unprecedented freedom and abundance. With just a smartphone, we can access information from around the world, encounter diverse values, and it seems as though individual choices have expanded infinitely.
However, on the other hand, are not many people harboring a vague sense of anxiety, impatience, and deep loneliness? Even while having thousands of 'connections' on social media, we cannot find relationships we can trust from the heart. The more we aim for career advancement and strive for self-actualization, the more intense the competition with others becomes, and our hearts are worn down.
Is this fundamental sense of loneliness merely a personal psychological problem?
This paper presents the hypothesis that this existential conflict arises from the disappearance of the concrete relationships that support our lives, that is, the transformation of the material foundations of communality. However, this does not take the position of simple determinism where material conditions 'determine' society, but rather that material conditions constrain the range of possibilities, within which diverse societies are selected through the interaction of culture, history, and chance.
Purpose and Method of This Paper
The purpose of this paper is not to nostalgically praise the 'good old community.' Rather, it is to analyze the transition of communality rooted in its realistic material and relational foundations from multifaceted perspectives such as cultural anthropology, human history, sociology, management studies, organizational theory, and philosophy.
Specifically, from the 'being together' state of hunter-gatherer societies to agricultural societies, urbanization, and modern capitalist society, we will unravel how the concrete activities of people's labor, reproduction, and daily life have conditioned our consciousness, human relationships, and 'communality' itself.
Definition of Core Concepts
Before beginning the discussion, I will clarify the core concepts that appear repeatedly in this paper.
The Three-Layer Structure of Communality
Layer | Mediation Example | Characteristics | Micro (Face-to-face) | Direct contact | Family, intimate sphere | Emotional bonds, care | Meso (Organizational) | Common purpose/norms | Workplace, community, associations | Reciprocity, division of roles | Macro (Institutional) | Law, market, symbols | State, market, religion | Abstract solidarity
Three Types of Loneliness
Subjective loneliness: The feeling of loneliness felt by an individual
Social isolation: Objective lack of contact frequency or number of supporters
Existential loneliness: Fundamental lack of meaning or recognition
The Self-Destructiveness of Pseudo-fulfillment
A state where substitute behaviors intended to satisfy an inherent desire mimic that desire in the short term, while destroying the fulfillment of the desire in the long term. Specifically, these are classified into the following three types:
Recognition Substitution: Dependence on quantified approval (likes, follower counts)
Belonging Substitution: A pseudo-sense of unity through the simplification of friends and foes
Meaning Substitution: Equating market value with existential value
The Causal Model of This Paper
物質的基盤の変化（所有形態、移動様式、生産手段、市場、国家、デジタル技術）
↓ 【制約する】
媒介の変化（血縁・地縁・社縁 → 市場・制度・プラットフォーム）
↓
共同性の性質変化（即時共有 → 制度化 → 多層化 → 抽象化 → 断片化）
↓
孤独の3類型が増幅（主観的孤独、社会的孤立、実存的孤独）
↓
代替充足（承認競争、攻撃性、疑似共同体）
↓
再設計の必要性（責任の厚み、互酬性の設計、境界と退出コスト、ケアの再分配）
Scope and Limitations of This Paper
This paper primarily focuses on the urban middle class in advanced capitalist countries, particularly in Japan. The analysis in this paper does not necessarily apply to groups that maintain strong communality, such as religious communities, immigrant communities, rural areas, and extended family circles.
Additionally, attention must be paid to the following points:
Gender: The cost of maintaining communality has historically been disproportionately borne by women
Class: Social capital correlates with economic and cultural capital, and class disparities are significant
Generation: There are also differences based on generation, such as the preference for 'loose connections' among Gen Z
I will proceed with the discussion while incorporating these perspectives as much as possible.
Chapter 1: The Transition of Communality in Human History
1.1 'Co-existence' in Hunter-Gatherer Societies: Beyond Idealization
The Absence of Ownership and Immediate Sharing
From the birth of humanity about 300,000 years ago until the start of agriculture about 10,000 years ago, our ancestors lived as hunter-gatherers. The 'communality' formed during this vast period is fundamentally different from the concept of 'community' held by modern people.
Its greatest characteristic lies in the thinness of the concept of ownership. They did not settle in specific lands but constantly moved in search of food. Therefore, it was physically impossible, and unnecessary, to accumulate private property such as land or real estate.
Cultural anthropologist James Woodburn called such societies 'immediate-return societies,' arguing that consuming acquired food immediately without accumulation creates strong sharing and egalitarian social relations (Woodburn 1982). In contrast, agricultural societies are 'delayed-return societies,' where the fruits of labor are recovered with a time lag, leading to the emergence of ownership and stratification.
The Mechanism of Egalitarianism: Active Maintenance
However, it should be emphasized that egalitarianism in hunter-gatherer societies was not a 'natural state' but rather a social achievement that was actively maintained.
In 'Hierarchy in the Forest' (1999), Christopher Boehm argued that egalitarianism in hunter-gatherer societies was maintained through a 'reverse dominance hierarchy.' In other words, if an individual appeared who sought to seize power, other members of the group would cooperate to suppress them. Specifically, means such as ridicule, ostracism, and in extreme cases, execution were employed.
This indicates that egalitarianism was not a product of 'virtue' or 'instinct,' but rather a politically achieved outcome.
The 'Original Affluent Society' Debate
Marshall Sahlins called hunter-gatherer societies the 'original affluent society,' arguing that they secured sufficient food with little labor time and enjoyed much leisure (Sahlins 1972).
However, there are significant criticisms of this proposition (Kaplan 2000):
The problem of defining labor: It counts only the time spent directly on hunting and gathering, excluding food processing, cooking, firewood collection, tool making, etc.
Seasonal variation: It relies on data from specific seasons and is not an average throughout the year.
Infant mortality: Archaeological evidence suggests high infant mortality and short life expectancy.
The existence of violence: The mortality rate due to intergroup conflict was not necessarily low.
Recent research (Dyble et al. 2019) shows that even in hunter-gatherer societies, groups with advanced market integration tend to work longer hours, revealing that the reality of 'affluence' varies greatly depending on environmental conditions.
Group Size and Mobility
The band, the basic living unit of hunter-gatherer societies, generally consisted of about 30 to 50 people. This scale is distinguished from the 'Dunbar's number' (about 150 people) proposed by primatologist Robin Dunbar. Dunbar's number is the cognitive upper limit at which an individual can maintain stable social relationships, corresponding to a scale at the 'clan' level, which is larger than a band.
Bands were not fixed; they frequently split and merged depending on food availability and interpersonal friction. This mobility was both a primary means of conflict resolution and a mechanism to prevent the concentration of power in any specific individual.
Summary: The Archetype of Coexistence
The 'communality' of hunter-gatherer societies was a state born from the conditions of the negation of ownership, active maintenance of equality, small and fluid groups, and physical coexistence. It should not be spoken of in the romantic image of 'warm connections' that modern people have lost, but was a system directly linked to survival and maintained politically.
1.2 The Agricultural Revolution and the Birth of Ownership: Connection to State Formation
Agriculture as a Gradual Process
The Agricultural Revolution, which began about 10,000 years ago, is often depicted as a 'turning point,' but in reality, it was a gradual process that took thousands of years.
In 'Against the Grain' (2017), James Scott emphasizes that early humans were 'driven' to agriculture by environmental changes and population pressure rather than 'choosing' it. While agriculture did increase calorie production per unit area, it also brought costs such as nutritional imbalances, increased infectious diseases, and longer working hours.
What is important is that the spread of agriculture and state formation were inseparable. Because grains have predictable harvest times, are easy to store, and can be measured, they were crops suitable for taxation. By linking with grain agriculture, the state built tax and conscription systems and institutionalized stratification.
The Emergence of Ownership and Boundaries
The most significant characteristic of agriculture is the settlement on land. The series of processes—sowing seeds, cultivating crops, and harvesting—requires staying in a specific location for a long period. This settlement gave rise to the concept of private land ownership for the first time in human history.
To protect ownership, it became necessary to define boundaries clearly and exclude intruders from the outside. Thus, clear boundary lines between 'inside' and 'outside' and 'us' and 'them,' which did not exist in the hunter-gatherer era, were drawn.
The Duality of Village Communities
In agricultural societies, a village community was formed. This was based on kinship groups sharing a common ancestor or local groups cultivating the same land, and was bound together by shared religious beliefs and customs.
Within the village community, a robust system of mutual aid was maintained. Since intensive labor was required during planting and harvesting seasons, villagers provided labor to one another.
However, this mutual aid had a duality. While it functioned as a safety net on one hand, it was accompanied by strong peer pressure and a surveillance system on the other. As the practice of ostracism (mura-hachibu) shows, severe sanctions were imposed on those who deviated from the community's norms.
The Fixation of Gender Order
The transition to an agricultural society was also deeply linked to changes in the gender order.
In hunter-gatherer societies, although a division of labor between men and women existed, it was relatively flexible, and there were many cases where women's gathering activities accounted for the majority of food procurement. However, in agricultural societies, the issue of land inheritance arose, and with the strengthening of the patrilineal system, women's mobility and autonomy became restricted.
As feminist anthropologist Gayle Rubin points out, the 'exchange of women' (the movement of women between groups through marriage) in agricultural societies was a means of building kinship relations, but at the same time, it was a system that deprived women of their agency.
1.3 Urbanization and the Development of Commerce: The Multilayering of Community
When urban civilizations emerged in river basins such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Indus Valley, and the Yellow River basin, community became even more complex.
The Birth of Occupational Groups
The most significant characteristic of a city is the concentration of people engaged in diverse occupations other than agriculture. Specialized professions such as artisans, merchants, bureaucrats, soldiers, and religious figures emerged, and occupational groups such as guilds and associations were formed.
This was the budding of a selective and functional community, different from the village community determined by birth. People engaged in the same occupation united beyond kinship or local ties and cooperated for common purposes such as the transmission of technology, quality control, and the protection of profits.
The Permeation of Impersonal Relationships
The development of commerce brought a second important change to community. The logic of the market economy began to permeate human relationships as well.
In commercial transactions, the quality and price of the goods or services provided are valued more than the personality or background of the other party. This 'impersonal' relationship is in contrast to the 'personal' relationship of the village community and had a major impact on people's consciousness.
Urban residents learned to conduct transactions based on certain rules even with strangers, and internalized more abstract and universal social norms. This can be called the prototype of the modern concept of the 'citizen'.
The Beginning of Multilayered Belonging
Urbanization forced people to simultaneously belong to multiple communities at once. Belonging to multiple communities—such as families, villages, professional groups, religious groups, and political communities—meant that people sometimes faced conflicting values and interests.
In this situation, people were forced to choose which community to prioritize, and they developed individual judgment and autonomy. This may be considered the budding of the modern consciousness of the 'individual'.
1.4 The Modern State and Market Economy: The Abstraction of Communality
The Industrial Revolution and Large-Scale Population Migration
The Industrial Revolution, which began in the late 18th century, became a major turning point in the history of communality, comparable to the Agricultural Revolution.
One of the most important consequences of the Industrial Revolution was large-scale population migration. Surplus population from rural areas flowed into urban areas as factory workers, and rapid urbanization progressed. In this process, people were separated from the village communities where they were born and raised, and were forced to live with strangers in unfamiliar lands.
In Japan as well, a large-scale population outflow from rural areas to cities occurred during the period of high economic growth in the 1960s, and as symbolized by the term 'group employment,' many young people left their hometowns. This migration accelerated the dissolution of communities based on geographical and blood ties.
The Nation-State as an 'Imagined Community'
As traditional communities dissolved, a new form of communality emerged: the modern state.
In 'Imagined Communities' (1983), Benedict Anderson argued that the nation-state is an 'imagined community' constructed through print capitalism (newspapers, books). Citizens recognize each other as 'peers' not through direct face-to-face relationships, but through shared language, history, and culture.
This abstract communality is fundamentally different from the concrete, physical relationships of village communities. People die in wars, pay taxes, and obey laws for compatriots they have never met. This was an experiment in communality on a scale and level of abstraction unprecedented in human history.
Market Economy and the Commodification of Relationships
As Adam Smith depicted in 'The Wealth of Nations,' the idea that individual selfish actions lead to the benefit of society as a whole through an 'invisible hand' spread, and competition and efficiency became the basic principles of society.
The development of the market economy also commodified human relationships. As Karl Polanyi argued in 'The Great Transformation' (1944), although land, labor, and money are not inherently 'commodities,' the market economy is established by treating them as 'fictitious commodities.' Labor power became a commodity bought and sold in the 'labor market,' and people's social value came to be determined by their market value.
Choice and Anxiety
In modern society, people became able to choose and change the groups they belong to through their own will and ability. Occupations, places of residence, marriage partners, and even nationalities became subjects of individual choice. This was the birth of 'selective communality' for the first time in human history.
However, this freedom of choice also brought new anxieties. As Erich Fromm argued in 'Escape from Freedom' (1941), the 'burden of freedom' overwhelmed people and sometimes prompted an escape into authoritarian ideologies such as fascism.
Chapter 2: The Individualization of Modern Society and the Disappearance of Relationships
2.1 The Transformation of Japanese-Style Employment and the Dissolution of 'Company Ties'
The Scope and Limits of the 'Corporate Community'
One of the characteristics of postwar Japanese society was the existence of strong 'corporate ties,' represented by the 'lifetime employment system.' However, it must be remembered that this 'Japanese-style employment' was limited to regular male employees of large corporations.
It was assumed that many female workers would resign upon marriage or childbirth (the M-shaped curve), and workers at small and medium-sized enterprises as well as non-regular employees were excluded from the benefits of 'Japanese-style employment.' In other words, the 'corporate community' was not a universal phenomenon, but was selectively applied based on gender and social class.
Expansion of Non-Regular Employment
Since the collapse of the bubble economy in the 1990s, the 'corporate community' has rapidly disintegrated. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications' 'Labour Force Survey,' the ratio of non-regular employment has risen from approximately 20.2% in 1990 to about 37% in the 2020s.
Year Non-regular employment ratio Major events 1990 20.2% Peak of the bubble economy 1999 24.9% Revision of the Worker Dispatch Act 2008 34.1% Lehman Shock 2020 36.9% COVID-19 pandemic
The background to this change includes globalization, the shift in industrial structure from manufacturing to service industries, and the deregulation of the Worker Dispatch Act.
Individualization of Labor
Due to the shift from a manufacturing-centered industrial structure to one centered on service and information industries, labor has become more individual and specialized. Individual skills and creativity are valued over teamwork, and workers are now expected to have a mindset more like 'sole proprietors' rather than 'cogs in a corporate machine.'
For the younger generation, a company is no longer a 'community to which one entrusts one's life,' but merely one of many 'platforms for building one's own career.' This high level of fluidity makes it difficult to accumulate knowledge and experience within an organization and hinders the building of long-term relationships of trust.
2.2 Changes in Family Structure and the Reorganization of Care
Progress of the Nuclear Family
In postwar Japan, the shift toward nuclear families progressed rapidly, and the extended family living under three generations became an exception. According to the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare's 'Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions,' the percentage of three-generation households has decreased from approximately 15% in 1980 to about 5% in 2020.
While this change has positive aspects such as women's advancement in society and the expansion of individual freedom, it has also led to a reduction in the mutual aid functions that families once provided.
Feminization and Individualization of Care
The progress of the nuclear family has promoted the individualization of care functions such as child-rearing and nursing care. The burden of child-rearing, which was once shared by grandparents, relatives, and neighbors, has become concentrated primarily on the mother as an individual.
Feminist sociologist Chizuko Ueno criticizes this as the "feminization of care" and the "privatization of care." Care work is confined within the home as unpaid labor, and its providers are overwhelmingly skewed toward women. This structure hinders women's career development while simultaneously exacerbating the isolation of caregivers.
Merits and Demerits of the Long-Term Care Insurance System
To address this issue, the Long-Term Care Insurance System was introduced in 2000. This system was a groundbreaking attempt that shifted the responsibility for nursing care from the family to society as a whole, advocating for the "socialization of care."
The achievements of the system include the following points:
Reducing the burden on family caregivers, especially women
Creation of the long-term care service industry and job creation
Expanding choices for the elderly
However, more than 20 years have passed, and the following issues have also become apparent:
Tightening financial resources and increased out-of-pocket expenses
Chronic shortage of caregiving staff and low wages
Disparities in the quality of services
It can be said that the experience of the long-term care insurance system demonstrates the difficulty of completely replacing the functions of community solely with market or state systems.
2.3 Digital Networks and the Transformation of 'Connection'
The Paradox of SNS and Loneliness
With the spread of the internet and SNS, new forms of 'connection' are emerging. Through platforms such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, and LINE, people can connect with hundreds, sometimes thousands, of 'friends' and 'followers'.
However, 'connections' on SNS have characteristics that are fundamentally different from the relationships in traditional communities.
Superficial and fragmented: People post only the most attractive aspects of themselves, and others judge them based on that fragmented information
Fluid and unstable: Becoming or ceasing to be 'friends' is possible with a single click, and commitment to relationships is extremely low
Competitive: Through quantified indicators such as the number of 'likes' and followers, people come to measure their own value in relative terms to others
A Cautious Approach to Causality
Researchers are divided on the relationship between SNS usage and feelings of loneliness or mental health.
Psychologist Jean Twenge argues that the spread of smartphones and SNS correlates with an increase in depression, anxiety, and suicide among teenagers (Twenge 2017). On the other hand, Andrew Przybylski and colleagues re-analyzed Twenge's data and countered that the impact of digital technology use is minimal, with an effect size comparable to 'eating potatoes' (Przybylski & Orben 2019).
What is important is the distinction between correlation and causation. Whether lonely people use SNS more, whether SNS makes people lonely, or whether a third factor influences both, has not yet been fully elucidated.
Sherry Turkle's Warning
In 'Alone Together' (2011), Sherry Turkle of MIT sounded an alarm, arguing that because we seek human warmth and empathy from technology, we are actually distancing ourselves from real human relationships and deepening our isolation.
According to Turkle, in order to maintain a state of being constantly connected to someone online, we have begun to avoid the complexity, inconvenience, and moments of silence inherent in real face-to-face communication. As a result, we are becoming lonelier amidst the illusion of 'connection' she argues.
However, some critics argue that Turkle's argument is somewhat too pessimistic regarding digital technology. The point is not that technology itself is the problem, but rather how we use it and what kind of relationships we are trying to build.
2.4 Consumer Society and the Commodification of Relationships
The Marketization of Encounters and Relationships
In modern society, human relationships themselves have been commodified. Businesses such as marriage agencies, matchmaking apps, and matching services are flourishing.
While these services may be effective in finding a partner efficiently, by treating human relationships as 'products,' they alter their essential meaning. Objective 'specs' like annual income and educational background are prioritized over irrational elements like love and compatibility, turning human relationships into transactional affairs.
The Expansion of Emotional Labor
Sociologist Arlie Hochschild proposed the concept of **emotional labor** in 'The Managed Heart' (1983). People working in the service industry are required to manage their own emotions and express appropriate feelings toward customers.
In modern society, this emotional labor has permeated every domain. 'Cooperativeness' in the workplace, 'likeability' on social media, and 'attractiveness' in romance—emotions themselves have become objects of evaluation and competition.
This can be said to be an extreme form of the 'I-It' relationship that Buber criticized. Others are increasingly viewed as means to achieve one's own goals (work, approval, security), and true 'I-Thou' encounters are becoming rare.
Chapter 3: Existential Conflict and Mechanisms of Surrogate Fulfillment
3.1 The Absence of the Concrete Other
As we have seen in Chapters 1 and 2, as the material foundations of community transform, we are losing our relationships with concrete others.
Philosopher Martin Buber found the essence of human existence in the dialogical relationship of 'I and Thou' (1923). The self does not exist in isolation within a vacuum, but emerges as an 'I' only through encounters and responses with the other ('Thou').
However, in modern society, this encounter with the 'Thou' has become extremely difficult. The market economy encourages us to view others as customers or competitors, and social media turns others into tools or objects of consumption to satisfy the desire for approval.
3.2 Three Types of Surrogate Fulfillment
To escape the unbearable loneliness and anxiety caused by the lack of concrete relationships, people fall into various mechanisms of **surrogate fulfillment** (pseudo-fulfillment).
┌─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 本来の欲求 → 代替行動 → 逆説的帰結 │
├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┤
│ 無条件の承認 → 「いいね」獲得競争 → 承認渇望の激化 │
│ 帰属と安心 → 排他的疑似共同体 → 他者への敵意 │
│ 存在の意味 → 市場価値の追求 → 自己疎外の深化 │
└─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘
Approval Surrogate: Dependence on Quantified Approval
Instead of receiving unconditional affirmation (agape-like love) from a concrete other, people begin to crave abstract and quantified approval, such as praise and 'likes' from an unspecified number of others.
In his work 'The Struggle for Recognition' (1992), sociologist Axel Honneth argued that human identity formation requires three modes of recognition:
Love: emotional recognition in the intimate sphere
Rights: respect as a legal subject
Solidarity: appreciation for social contribution
The 'likes' on social media are a pseudo and temporary form of recognition that differs from any of these modes. While it temporarily distracts from the craving for true recognition, it does not satisfy the fundamental need.
Substitution of Belonging: Simplification of Friend and Foe
The craving for a lost sense of community often manifests in extreme forms of nationalism, religious fundamentalism, or phenomena such as online 'flaming' and 'hate'.
These pseudo-communities simplify complex and ambiguous realities, and by setting up clear enemies and allies, they provide participants with an intense sense of unity and superiority. However, this sense of unity is based on hatred and exclusion of others, and possesses the exact opposite nature of true community.
As social psychologist Gordon Allport pointed out, attachment to an in-group does not necessarily imply hostility toward an out-group, but in situations where feelings of anxiety and threat are heightened, the two are easily linked.
Substitution of Meaning: Equating Market Value with Existential Value
In a society that has lost the safety net of community, the theory of self-responsibility, which holds that both success and failure are solely the result of individual ability and effort, becomes dominant.
This excessive theory of self-responsibility causes people to internalize the false equation that 'my market value is my existential value.' Those facing difficulties such as illness, unemployment, or poverty are dismissed not as victims of structural social problems, but as individuals lacking effort, leading them to fall into self-loathing.
As sociologist Ulrich Beck argued in 'Risk Society' (1986), modern society forces 'individualization' while simultaneously shifting risks onto the individual. Risks such as unemployment and illness, which were once absorbed by the community or the state, must now be managed by the individual through 'self-responsibility'.
3.3 The Structure of the Vicious Cycle
What these substitute satisfaction mechanisms have in common is that none of them solve the fundamental problem; rather, they exacerbate it.
┌──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 共同性の物質的基盤の変容 │
└──────────────────────────────────────────┘
↓
┌──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 具体的な他者との関係性の希薄化 │
└──────────────────────────────────────────┘
↓
┌──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 孤独・不安・存在の不安定感 │
└──────────────────────────────────────────┘
↓
┌──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 代替充足への依存（承認・所属・意味） │
└──────────────────────────────────────────┘
↓
┌──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ 短期的な満足と長期的な悪化 │
└──────────────────────────────────────────┘
↓
（ループ）
The inflation of the desire for recognition creates deeper loneliness, the theory of self-responsibility promotes social division, and exclusive pseudo-communities close off the possibility of true encounters with others.
3.4 Humans as Relational Beings
To break through this situation, it is necessary to look at the more fundamental problems behind these substitute satisfaction mechanisms.
As developmental psychologist John Bowlby's attachment theory shows, humans are beings who seek connection with others from birth. Stable attachment relationships form the foundation for self-esteem, emotional regulation, and exploratory behavior.
Philosopher Emmanuel Levinas argued that the encounter with the 'face' of the other is the root of ethics. The face of the other demands a response from me and calls forth responsibility. This responsibility is the fundamental characteristic of human existence.
In short, humans are essentially relational beings, and can only achieve true self-realization and discover meaning through concrete engagement with others.
Chapter 4: Community in Contemporary Concrete Life Situations
4.1 The Transformation and Redesign of 'Collaboration' in Labor
The Discovery of Psychological Safety
A concept currently attracting attention in modern workplaces is **Psychological Safety**.
In a 1999 paper, Amy Edmondson of Harvard Business School defined psychological safety as 'a shared belief held by members of a team that the team is safe for interpersonal risk-taking.' Furthermore, Google's research team, 'Project Aristotle,' studied 180 teams over two years and empirically demonstrated that the most important factor for high-performing teams is not the individual ability of members, but this psychological safety.
In teams with high psychological safety:
Members can freely express opinions and ask questions
Failures are not hidden but shared as opportunities for learning
Diverse ideas are generated, and innovation is promoted
What is important is that psychological safety is **different from 'being soft' or 'coziness.'** Edmondson argues that a state where both psychological safety and accountability are high is the 'learning zone,' which produces high performance.
The Potential of Communities of Practice
A form of community attracting attention as a new way of being together that transcends corporate boundaries is the **Community of Practice**.
This is a network where people who share an interest in knowledge or skills in the same field gather voluntarily to learn from each other and create new knowledge. This concept, theorized by Etienne Wenger and others, is widely applied in the fields of organizational learning and knowledge management.
Characteristics of a Community of Practice:
Voluntary participation: Based on interest and motivation, not coercion
Shared expertise: Based on common practice and knowledge
Learning orientation: Aimed at mutual education and knowledge creation
Boundary crossing: Formed across organizational walls
In an era where lifetime employment has collapsed and individuals form their careers fluidly, communities of practice hold the potential to become a safety net that does not depend on organizations.
4.2 Network Society and the Design of Ties
The Strength of Weak Ties
In his 1973 paper 'The Strength of Weak Ties,' sociologist Mark Granovetter demonstrated that it was acquaintances and friends of friends (weak ties), rather than close friends (strong ties), who provided the most important information for job hunting.
The mechanisms behind this discovery are as follows:
People connected by strong ties share similar information and values, making it difficult for new information to be introduced
Weak ties act as a 'bridge' to different social groups, bringing in highly novel information
This theory is widely applied in the context of modern business and innovation. The emphasis on cross-industry networking and networking events is precisely an attempt to leverage the power of these 'weak ties.'
Caution Against Utilitarianism
However, one must be cautious when discussing the value of 'weak ties.' An attitude that judges all human relationships based on whether they are 'useful' or 'useless' risks reproducing the 'I-It' relationship criticized by Buber, ultimately leading to greater human isolation.
A truly rich human relationship is one where the sense of security and emotional support provided by strong ties and the novelty and expansion of the world provided by weak ties exist in a balanced state.
The challenge of modern society lies in the fact that as strong ties are dismantled and weak ties are pursued solely for utilitarian purposes as a substitute, people lose emotional stability and are forced to drift, constantly seeking new 'connections.'
4.3 Reorganizing Care and Institutionalizing Reciprocity
The Time Bank Experiment
As an attempt to create a new safety net that does not rely solely on the state or the market, **time banks** are attracting attention.
A time bank is a system for mutual aid using time as currency. One hour of service provided is recorded as one time credit, regardless of the content, and can be used later when receiving services from others.
Features of this system:
Equality: One hour of a lawyer's time is equivalent to one hour of cleaning
Visualization: 'Helping/being helped' remains as a record
Institutionalization of reciprocity: Even without direct reciprocation, reciprocity is established within the system
Time banks can be seen as an attempt to redesign the reciprocity once held by village communities in a way that is compatible with modern urban society.
The Significance of the Children's Cafeteria Network
As a budding form of new community in Japan, the nationwide expansion of Children's Cafeterias can be cited.
Children's Cafeterias began appearing in various regions around 2012, and as of 2023, there are over 9,000 locations nationwide. Initially, they garnered attention as a measure against 'child poverty,' but they have since come to play a broader role as hubs for multi-generational interaction within local communities.
Significance of Children's Cafeterias:
Loose boundaries: Anyone can participate, and leaving is free
Non-commercial relationships: Provided for free or at a low cost
Multi-generational contact points: Spaces where children, parents, and the elderly naturally meet
Face-to-face relationships: Encounters with specific others who are not anonymous
Children's Cafeterias exist in the intermediate space between 'welfare' and 'community,' playing a role in filling the gaps that institutionalized welfare cannot reach.
4.4 Designability in the Digital Age
Platform Cooperativism
As a movement attempting to utilize digital technology to build community, there is **Platform Cooperativism**.
This is a movement that responds to the criticism that platform companies like Uber and Airbnb exploit workers and users by attempting to own and operate platforms as cooperatives.
Examples:
Stocksy: A stock photo platform co-owned by photographers
Fairbnb: A home-sharing platform that gives back to local communities
CoopCycle: A food delivery service co-owned by riders
Platform cooperativism demonstrates the possibility that digital technology and community are not in conflict, but rather that new forms of community can be built by governing technology democratically.
Chapter 5: Prospects for a New Community
5.1 Designability and Limitations
In this paper, I have discussed how communality has changed its material foundations from hunter-gatherer societies to the present day, and how it has transformed in the modern era.
Material conditions constrain communality, but they do not determine it. There were hunter-gatherers, such as the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest, who developed hierarchical societies against a backdrop of abundant resources. Even within industrial societies, the nature of communality differs significantly between Nordic-style welfare states and American-style free-market societies.
In other words, our future is not predetermined either. It is in our own hands to choose and create the cultures and institutions we want within our material constraints.
5.2 Four Principles of Redesign
I present four principles for the redesign of communality derived from the analysis in this paper.
Principle 1: Design the depth of responsibility in stages
For communality to function, a certain 'depth of responsibility' is necessary. However, this is a responsibility that participants voluntarily undertake, which is different from the forced obligations of traditional communities.
Design points:
Entry hurdles: Not completely open; establish some conditions for participation
Gradual commitment: Design engagement to be light at first and gradually deepen
Freedom to exit: Can leave at any time, but procedures are required
Visualization of roles: Clarify who is responsible for what
Principle 2: Institutionalize reciprocity
Design mechanisms where reciprocity is established within the system, rather than through direct repayment.
Design points:
Recording contributions: Visualize contributions, like a time bank
Generalized reciprocity: A format where A helps B, and B helps C
Non-monetary rewards: Gratitude, recognition, priority access, etc.
Principle 3: Balance moderate boundaries with permeability
New forms of communality should have moderate boundaries while maintaining a 'permeability' that prevents them from being completely closed off.
Design points:
Clarification of participation criteria: Not open to everyone, but not excluding based on attributes
Onboarding: Carefully manage the acceptance process for new members
Moderation: Management system to prevent conflict
Pathways for graduation and transition: Design that does not require permanent presence
Principle 4: Redistribute care
Build a system for social redistribution of care rather than forcing it onto families or specific genders.
Design points:
Social valuation of care: Visualization and evaluation of unpaid labor
Diverse providers: Sharing responsibilities across communities, workplaces, and the state, not just within families
Care for caregivers: Support for those providing nursing and childcare
Male participation in care: Correcting gender asymmetry
5.3 Policy Implications
Redesigning communality cannot be achieved through individual attitude changes alone. Institutional and policy support is necessary.
Urban Planning and Housing Policy
Collective housing: Support for residential complexes with shared spaces
Public space design: Creating places where people can linger
Mixed-use development: Integration of residential, commercial, and public facilities
Labor Policy
Reduction of working hours: Securing time to participate in communal activities
Proper institutionalization of remote work: The balance between face-to-face and non-face-to-face interaction
Support for cooperatives: Promoting the utilization of the Worker Cooperative Act
Welfare Policy
Support for informal care: Financial support for volunteers and NPOs
Support for creating places of belonging: Grants for children's cafeterias, dementia cafes, etc.
Support for caregivers: Enhancement of respite care and nursing care leave
5.4 Practice as an Individual
Beyond waiting for policy and institutional reform, there are things we can do as individuals.
Participate: Try participating in existing communities (local activities, clubs, communities of practice)
Start: Organize small gatherings based on your own interests
Bridge: Take on the role of connecting different communities
Engage in care: Participate in care beyond your own family (children's cafeterias, care volunteering, etc.)
Be conscious of boundaries: Do not treat all 'connections' equally; invest time in deeper relationships
5.5 Implications from Communitarianism
**Communitarianism**, represented by thinkers like Michael Sandel and Alasdair MacIntyre,criticizes the view of humanity as an 'unencumbered self' assumed by modern liberalism, and argues that humans are always a 'situated self' embedded within a specific history, culture, and community.**
According to them, true freedom is not found in being liberated from all constraints, but rather in the practice of questioning the values and purposes of the communities to which we belong and finding our role within them.
This perspective resonates deeply with the image of modern individuals suffering from the loss of communality that this paper has depicted. What we are seeking is not a nostalgic return to the past. Rather, it is a community as a new 'context'for exploring the questions of who we are and what we consider a good life, through dialogue and collaboration with concrete others.
Conclusion: Toward the Re-creation of 'Being Together'
The journey to explore the roots of the lost 'being together' has led us to a grand panorama of human history.
And now, standing at the forefront of that history, we face the difficult but rewarding challenge of creating the communality of the future with our own hands.
To address this challenge:
Institutional Reform: Transforming policies, urban planning, and labor environments.
Democratic Governance of Technology: Utilizing digital technology for the sake of community.
Individual Practice: Daily efforts to weave relationships with concrete others.
And above all, as Buber advocated, an ethical decision to face others not as an 'it' but as a 'Thou,' and to strive to weave concrete relationships, will be indispensable.
Community has been lost. However, this is not an end, but a new beginning. What kind of 'being together' each of us chooses and creates will determine the shape of society to come.
References
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Afterword
This paper was an attempt to re-examine the existential question of loneliness faced by modern society from the scale of human history.
I hope that this attempt has provided readers with a perspective to rethink their own ways of living, working, and relating to others.
Please note that this paper is not an academic thesis, but an essay that crosses multiple academic disciplines. The author's perspective is reflected in the interpretation and integration of cited literature, and it has not undergone rigorous peer review by experts. Furthermore, the cases and statistics discussed in this paper are primarily based on data up to the first half of the 2020s.
Community has been lost. However, that is not the end, but a new beginning.
End