1 The classic work is Bulliet, R.W., Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 The literature on this topic is far too extensive to cite in detail, but to begin with see for example Tritton, A.S., The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of ʿUmar (London: Oxford University Press, 1930)Google Scholar; Fattal, A., Le statut légal des non-musulmans en pays d'islam (Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, 1958)Google Scholar; Cohen, M., Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Hoyland, R.G., Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Friedmann, Y., Tolerance and Coercion in Islamic Law: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the articles gathered together in Hoyland, R.G. (ed.), Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004)Google Scholar. Three particularly useful recent studies are Griffith, S.H., The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque: Christians and Muslims in the World of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Papaconstantinou, A., “Between umma and dhimma: the Christians of the Middle East under the Umayyads”, Annales islamologiques 42, 2008, 127–56;Google Scholar and Levy-Rubin, M., Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire: From Surrender to Coexistence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 On the so-called ridda wars, see for example Donner, F.M., The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), esp. 82–90Google Scholar; Landau-Tasseron, E., “From tribal society to centralized polity: an interpretation of events and anecdotes of the formative period of Islam”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (JSAI) 24, 2000, 180–216.Google Scholar

4 For other secondary discussions of these texts, see Tritton, Caliphs, 175–6; Fattal, Statut légal, 85–91; Ferré, A., “Muhammad a-t-il exclu de l'Arabie les juifs et les chrétiens?”, Islamochristiana 16, 1990, 43–65;Google ScholarWard, S., “A fragment from an unknown work by al-Ṭabarī on the tradition ‘Expel the Jews and Christians from the Arabian Peninsula (and the lands of Islam)’”, BSOAS 53/3, 1990, 407–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schöller, M., Exegetisches Denken und Prophetenbiographie: Eine quellenkritische Analyse der Sīra-Überlieferung zu Muḥammads Konflikt mit den Juden (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998), 313–53Google Scholar; Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion, 85–6, 88–93; Lecker, M., “Najrān Inc.: the Najrānī exiles in Iraq, Syria and Baḥrayn from ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb to Hārūn al-Rashīd”, in Beaucamp, J., Briquel-Chatonnet, F. and Robin, C.J. (eds), Juifs et chrétiens en Arabie aux v^e et vi^e siècles: regards croisés sur les sources (Paris: Association des amis du Centre d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 2010), 293–302Google Scholar; also the second half of Melchert, C., “Whether to keep unbelievers out of sacred zones: a survey of medieval Islamic law”, JSAI 40, 2013, 177–94Google Scholar.

5 The bibliography on this topic is extensive, but as well as the works cited in n. 2 above, see Donner, F.M., Muhammad and the Believers at the Origins of Islam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010)Google Scholar. Also particularly interesting in this regard is Bashear, S., “Qibla musharriqa and early Muslim prayer in churches”, Muslim World 81/3–4, 1991, 267–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 For a fuller overview, see Hoyland, R.G., Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam (London: Routledge, 2001), 139–66Google Scholar.

7 For a recent case that those labelled as mushrikūn in the Quran were actually “believers in the same God as the Messenger, the God of the Biblical tradition”, see Crone, P., “The religion of the Qurʾānic pagans: God and the lesser deities”, Arabica 57/2–3, 2010, 151–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crone, P., “The Quranic mushrikūn and the resurrection (part I)”, BSOAS 75/3, 2012, 445–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar (quote from 451).

8 al-Kalbī, Ibn, Kitāb al-Aṣnām, ed. and trans. Atallah, W. (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1969)Google Scholar; Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya, ed. M. al-Saqqā, I. al-Ibyārī, and ʿA.-Ḥ. Shalabī, 4 vols (Cairo: Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī, 1355/1936), I, 78–91; Ḥabīb, Ibn, Kitāb al-Muḥabbar, ed. Lichtenstaedter, I. (Hyderabad: Dā'irat al-Maʿārif al-ʿUthmāniyya, 1361/1942), 315–9Google Scholar. For a sceptical approach, see Hawting, G.R., The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Beaucamp, J. and Robin, C.J., “L'évêché nestorien de Mâšmâhîg dans l'archipel d'al-Baḥrayn (V^e–IX^e siècle)”, in Potts, D.T. (ed.), Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1983), 171–96;Google ScholarBrock, S.P., “Syriac writers from Beth Qaṭraye”, ARAM 11–12, 1999–2000, 85–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 Still useful is Beaucamp, J. and Robin, C.J., “Le christianisme dans la péninsule Arabique d'après l'épigraphie et l'archéologie”, Travaux et mémoires 8, 1981, 45–61Google Scholar. For bibliography on the famously persecuted Christian community at Najrān, see now the articles collected in Beaucamp et al. (eds), Juifs et Chrétiens en Arabie. For the introduction of Christianity there in the mid-fifth century, see the chapter in that volume by C.J. Robin, “Nagrān vers l'époque du massacre: notes sur l'histoire politique, économique et institutionnelle et sur l'introduction du christianisme (avec un réexamen du Martyre d'Azqīr)”, 64–7.

11 For Christianity in Arabia in general, see Trimingham, J.S., Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (London: Longman, 1979)Google Scholar; in the border regions of Syria, Palestine and Iraq, see now Fisher, G., Between Empires: Arabs, Romans, and Sasanians in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 34–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Farès, S., “Christian monasticism on the eve of Islam: Kilwa (Saudi Arabia) – new evidence”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy (AAE) 22/2, 2011, 243–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 For the monasteries, see Shahîd, I., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1989), 294–5Google Scholar; for Theodore, Shahîd, I., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, 2 vols in 4 parts (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1995–2009)Google Scholar, I/ii, 761–8, 850–7.

13 Samir, S.K., “The Prophet Muḥammad as seen by Timothy I and other Arab Christian authors”, in Thomas, D. (ed.), Syrian Christians under Islam: The First Thousand Years (Leiden: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar, 84. It would seem, therefore, that when the same author credits the famous Mār Mārī with the introduction of Christianity to “the Arab lands” (bilād al-ʿarab), this was not necessarily meant to include the Ḥijāz: ʿAmr b. Mattā, Akhbār faṭārikat kursī al-mashriq min Kitāb al-Mijdal, ed. Gismondi, H., Maris Amri et Slibae de patriarchis Nestorianorum commentaria, 2 vols (Rome: De Luigi, 1896–99)Google Scholar, II, 1.

14 C.F. Robinson, “Waraḳa b. Nawfal”, EI (second edition), XI, 142–3; al-Azraqī, Akhbār Makka, ed. Malḥas, R., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Andalus, n.d.), I, 165–9Google Scholar. For a recent discussion of the meagre evidence for Christians in Mecca and Medina which surveys much earlier scholarship, see Osman, G., “Pre-Islamic Arab converts to Christianity in Mecca and Medina: an investigation into the Arabic sources”, Muslim World 95/1, 2005, 67–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 See in general Newby, G.D., A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to Their Eclipse under Islam (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

16 For example, Robin, C.J., “Le judaïsme de Ḥimyar”, Arabia 1, 2003, 97–172Google Scholar; Robin, C.J., “Ḥimyar et Israël”, Comptes rendus des séances de l'année: académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 2004, 831–908Google Scholar. For epigraphic and archaeological attestations of what was possibly a synagogue at Qana, see Bowersock, G.W., “The New Greek inscription from South Yemen”, in Langdon, J.S. et al. (eds), ΤΟ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΝ: Studies in Honor of Speros Vryonis, Jr., 2 vols (New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1993), 3–8Google Scholar; Sedov, A.V., Temples of Ancient Ḥaḍramawt (Pisa: Pisa University Press, 2005), 165–71Google Scholar.

17 Midrash Rabbah 79.7 (on Gen. 33:19), cited by Hoyland, R.G., “Mount Nebo, Jabal Ramm, and the status of Christian Palestinian Aramaic and Old Arabic in Late Roman Palestine and Arabia”, in Macdonald, M.C.A. (ed.), The Development of Arabic as a Written Language (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2010)Google Scholar, 40.

18 Procopius, Wars, I.xix.3–4.

19 Hoyland, R.G., “The Jews of the Hijaz in the Qurʾān and in their inscriptions”, in Reynolds, G.S. (ed.), New Perspectives on the Qurʾān: The Qurʾān in Its Historical Context 2 (London: Routledge, 2011), 91–116.Google Scholar

20 A good introductory survey is Newby, History, 49–96; for the Jews of Medina, see esp. Lecker, M., “Zayd b. Thābit, ‘A Jew with two sidelocks’: Judaism and literacy in pre-Islamic Medina (Yathrib)”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 56/4, 1997, 259–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There has been a debate, at least since the second/eighth century, on the origins of this Jewish community in the Ḥijāz, particularly in Medina, and whether their origins lie in Jewish immigration from the lands to the north or in conversion among local tribes; see for example Gil, M., “The origin of the Jews of Yathrib”, JSAI 4, 1984, 203–24Google Scholar.

21 Astren, F., “Re-reading the Arabic sources: Jewish history and the Muslim conquests”, JSAI 36, 2009, 93.Google Scholar

22 Saʿd, Ibn, Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr, ed. Sachau, E. et al. , 9 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1904–40)Google Scholar, I/ii, 38; al-Salameen, Z. et al. , “New Arabic–Christian inscriptions from Udhruḥ, southern Jordan”, AAE 22/2, 2011, 232–42Google Scholar.

23 For other useful modern overviews, see Fattal, Statut légal, 85–91; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”; Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 313–34.

24 The translation is Arberry's (slightly adapted).

25 For example, al-Shāfiʿī, Kitāb al-Umm, ed. al-Muṭṭalib, R.F. ʿAbd, 11 vols (al-Manṣūra: Dār al-Wafāʾ, 1422/2001)Google Scholar, V, 418; ʿAbd al-Razzāq, al-Muṣannaf, ed. Ḥ.-R. al-Aʿẓamī, 11 vols (Beirut: al-Majlis al-ʿIlmī, n.d.), X, 356 (no. 19356), where the opinion is ascribed to ʿAṭāʾ b. Abī Rabāḥ (d. 115/733–34); al-Jaṣṣāṣ, Aḥkām al-Qurʾān, ed. Qamḥāwī, M.Ṣ., 5 vols (Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, 1412/1992), IV, 278–81Google Scholar.

26 Lammens, H., “Les sanctuaires préislamites dans l'Arabie occidentale”, Mélanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph 11, 1926, 42–3Google Scholar, 107; Hawting, G.R., “The origins of the Muslim sanctuary at Mecca”, in Juynboll, G.H.A. (ed.), Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982), 36–8Google Scholar.

27 For a “classical” commentary, see al-Ṭabarī, Jāmiʿal-bayān fī taʾwīl al-Qurʾān, 3rd ed., 13 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1420/1999), VI, 334–5Google Scholar.

28 And also occasionally to Q 5:2, on which see Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 330–3.

29 ʿAbd al-Razzāq's traditions can be found within his Muṣannaf, VI, 51–8 (nos 9977–95); X, 356–62 (nos 19356–74). On the circumstances of transmission which led to the doubling up of many traditions dealing with non-Muslims in volumes VI and X of the edited text of ʿAbd al-Razzāq's Muṣannaf, and for a persuasive argument that most of its traditions on the topic of non-Muslims at least probably were circulated by ʿAbd al-Razzāq, see Motzki, H., “The author and his work in the Islamic literature of the first centuries: the case of ʿAbd al-Razzāq's Muṣannaf”, JSAI 28, 2003, 171–201.Google Scholar

30 Relevant traditions can also be found in, for example, al-Shaybānī, Muwaṭṭaʾ al-imām Mālik: riwāyat Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī, ed. al-Laṭīf, ʿA.-W. ʿAbd, 3rd ed. (Cairo: Wizārat al-Awqāf, 1407/1987), 284–5Google Scholar (nos 873–4); al-Laythī, Yaḥyā, al-Muwaṭṭaʾ li-imām dār al-hijra Mālik b. Anas: riwāyat Yaḥyā b. Yaḥyā al-Laythī al-Andalusī, ed. Maʿrūf, B.ʿA., 2nd ed., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1417/1997)Google Scholar, II, 470–1 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, nos 17–19); al-Ṭayālisī, Musnad (Hyderabad: Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-Niẓāmiyya, 1321/1903–04)Google Scholar, 31 (no. 229); Shayba, Ibn Abī, Muṣannaf, ed. al-Jumʿa, Ḥ. and al-Luḥaydān, M., 16 vols (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Rushd, 1425/2004)Google Scholar, XI, 346–7 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; nos 33534–41); Abū ʿUbayd, Kitāb al-Amwāl, ed. M.Kh. Harrās, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1406/1986 [reprint]), esp. 106–10; Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, II/ii, 44; Aḥmad, Musnad, 6 vols (Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Maymāniyya, n.d.), I, 29, 32, 87, 195–6, 222; III, 345; VI, 274–5; al-Tirmidhī, al-Jāmiʿal-ṣaḥīḥ, ed. A.M. Shākir, M.F. ʿAbd al-Bāqī and K.Y. al-Ḥūt, 5 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, n.d. [reprint]), IV, 133–4 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43); al-Dārimī, al-Sunan, ed. al-ʿAlamī, Kh.S. and Zamarlī, F.A., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī, 1407/1987)Google Scholar, II, 305–6 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 55); Dāwūd, Abū, Sunan, ed. al-Daʿʿās, ʿI.ʿU. and al-Sayyid, ʿĀ., 5 vols (Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 1418/1997)Google Scholar, III, 266–75, 279–81 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, abwāb 22–4, 28); al-Bukhārī, Kitāb al-Jāmiʿal-ṣaḥīḥ, ed. Krehl, M.L. and Juynboll, T.W., 4 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1862–1908)Google Scholar, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb 17); 294–5 (Kitāb al-Jizya, bāb 6); III, 185 (Kitāb al-Maghāzī, bāb 83).

31 ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 53 (no. 9984); X, 359 (no. 19367).

32 On Jābir b. ʿAbd Allāh (d. between 68/687–88 and 79/698–99), see al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ al-rijāl, ed. Maʿrūf, B.ʿA., 35 vols (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Risāla, 1402–13/1982–92)Google Scholar, IV, 443–54. The other shared links in the isnād are the Meccans Abū al-Zubayr (d. before 128/745–46) and Ibn Jurayj (d. c. 149–51/766–69), on whom see respectively al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb, XXVI, 402–11; XVIII, 338–54.

33 ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 53 (no. 9982).

34 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33540).

35 Al-Dārimī, Sunan, II, 305–6 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 55).

36 Al-Tirmidhī, Jāmiʿ, IV, 133–4 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43).

37 On this, see esp. Fattal, Statut légal, 86–8; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, esp. 59–65, where he translates a discussion on the topic from Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya's (d. 751/1350) Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma. For a relatively early survey of varying jurists' opinions on this question, see al-Ṭabarī, Ikhtilāf al-fuqahāʾ, ed. Schacht, J., Das konstantinopler Fragment des Kitāb Iḫtilāf al-fuqahāʾ des Abū Ğaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Ğarīr aṭ-Ṭabarī (Leiden: Brill, 1933), 233–6Google Scholar.

38 Al-Shāfiʿī, Umm, V, 418–23. For a later Shāfiʿī discussion, see al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, ed. Muʿawwaḍ, ʿA.M. and al-Mawjūd, ʿĀ.A. ʿAbd, 20 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1414–16/1994–96), XIV, 334–9Google Scholar; al-Māwardī, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya wa-al-wilāyāt al-dīniyya, ed. al-Sirjānī, M.F. (Cairo: al-Maktaba al-Tawfīqiyya, 1978), 188–9Google Scholar. Some doubt has been expressed concerning the date of composition of the Kitāb al-Umm usually attributed to al-Shāfiʿī, and Norman Calder has suggested that a great deal of material may have continued to enter the text at the very least through the third/ninth century; see his Studies in Early Muslim Jurisprudence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 67–85Google Scholar.

39 Al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, XIV, 334, 336; al-Māwardī, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, 188–9; Fattal, Statut légal, 87–8; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, 62.

40 Fattal, Statut légal, 87; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, 60. For an example of a broad Mālikī definition of the exclusion zone, see al-Jadd, Ibn Rushd, al-Bayān wa-al-taḥṣīl wa-al-sharḥ wa-al-tawjīh wa-al-taʿlīl fī masāʾil al-mustakhraja, ed. Ḥajjī, M. et al. , 20 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1404–7/1984–87)Google Scholar, XVII, 50.

41 For example, al-Sarakhsī, Sharḥ al-siyar al-kabīr, 4 vols (Hyderabad: Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-Niẓāmiyya, 1335–36/1916–18), III, 257–8Google Scholar; al-Kāsānī, Badāʾiʿ al-ṣanāʾiʿ fī tartīb al-sharāʾiʿ, 7 vols, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1406/1986)Google Scholar, VII, 114. That reports attributed to Mālik himself sometimes contradict the claims that all non-Muslims were expelled from all settlements of the Ḥijāz, see Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 321.

42 al-Khallāl, Abū Bakr, Ahl al-milal wa-al-ridda wa-al-zanādiqa wa-tārik al-ṣalāt wa-al-farā'iḍ min Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, ed. Sulṭān, I.Ḥ., 2 vols (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Maʿārif, 1416/1996)Google Scholar, I, 195 (no. 330); al-Kawsaj, Kitāb al-Masā'il ʿan imāmay ahl al-ḥadīth Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal wa-Isḥāq b. Rāhwayh, ed. al-Ḥulwānī, Ṭ.F., 3 vols (Cairo: al-Fārūq al-Ḥadītha, 1426/2005)Google Scholar, III, 234 (no. 2832). On Aḥmad's attitude towards non-Muslims more generally, see Sizgorich, T., Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 231–71Google Scholar.

43 Khadduri, M., The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybānī's Siyar (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966), 277–8Google Scholar. As with al-Shāfiʿī's Kitāb al-Umm, Calder has questioned the dating of many works usually attributed to al-Shaybānī to his lifetime; see his Studies in Early Muslim Jurisprudence, 39–66; cf., however, in part Sadeghi, B., “The authenticity of two 2nd/8th century Ḥanafī legal texts: the Kitāb al-Āthār and al-Muwaṭṭaʾ of Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī”, Islamic Law and Society (ILS) 17/3–4, 2010, 291–319CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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46 As well as those studies cited above, n. 9, see also Fiey, J.M., “Diocèses syriens orientaux du Golfe Persique”, in Mémorial Mgr Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis (1898–1968) (Leuven: Imprimerie orientaliste, 1968), 209–19Google Scholar; Kennet, D., “The decline of eastern Arabia in the Sasanian period”, AAE 18/1, 2007, 89–94Google Scholar; Carter, R.A., “Christianity in the Gulf during the first centuries of Islam”, AAE 19/1, 2008, 71–108Google Scholar; Payne, R., “Monks, dinars and date palms: hagiographical production and the expansion of monastic institutions in the early Islamic Persian Gulf”, AAE 22/1, 2011, 97–111.Google Scholar

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48 Goitein, S.D., “The Jews of Yemen”, in Arberry, A.J. (ed.), Religion in the Middle East: Three Religions in Concord and Conflict, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), I, 226–35Google Scholar; Tobi, Y., The Jews of Yemen: Studies in Their History and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 1999)Google Scholar. The existence of Jews in Yemen seemed to cause particular problems in the eleventh/seventeenth century; see Ibn Abī Rijāl, al-Nuṣūṣ al-ẓāhira fī ijlāʾ al-yahūd al-fājira, ed. al-Tāzī, ʿA.-H., Majallat al-majmaʿ al-ʿilmī al-ʿirāqī 32/3–4, 1981, 378–400Google Scholar; al-Maghribī, Risāla fī baqāʾ al-yahūd fī arḍ al-Yaman, ed. and trans. M. Fabbro, Islamochristiana 16, 1990, 67–90.

49 Al-Samhūdī, Wafāʾ al-wafā bi-akhbār dār al-muṣṭafā, ed. al-Sāmarrāʾī, Q., 5 vols (London: Muʾassasat al-Furqān, 1422/2001), II, 268–70Google Scholar.

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51 For more examples, see the studies cited in n. 45.

52 Shabba, Ibn, Taʾrīkh al-Madīna al-munawwara, ed. Bayān, Y.S.-D. and Dandal, ʿA.M., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1417/1996), I, 113Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-rusul wa-al-mulūk, ed. de Goeje, M.J. et al. , 3 parts in 13 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1879–1901)Google Scholar, III, 1760.

53 Khurradādhbih, Ibn, Kitāb al-Masālik wa-al-mamālik, ed. de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden: Brill, 1889)Google Scholar, 153; Gil, M., “The Rādhānite merchants and the land of Rādhān”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17/3, 1974, 308–9Google Scholar.

54 Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm fī maʿrifat al-aqālīm, ed. de Goeje, M.J., 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1906), 83–4Google Scholar; see also M. Lecker, “Wādī al-Ḳurā”, EI (second edition), XI, 18–19; Elad, “Community”, 297, n. 200. A century or so later, Abū ʿUbayd al-Bakrī (d. 487/1094) suggested that Jews had first settled in Wādī al-Qurā after the destruction of Thamūd: al-Bakrī, Muʿjam mā istaʿjam, ed. al-Saqqā, M., 4 vols (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Lajnat al-Taʾlīf wa-al-Tarjama wa-al-Nashr, 1364–71/1945–51)Google Scholar, I, 43.

55 Friedlaender, “Jews”, 251; Mann, J., “The responsa of the Babylonian Geonim as a source of Jewish history”, JQR 7/4, 1916–17, 489Google Scholar; Hoyland, “Jews”, 102–3, 112–4.

56 This source is the so-called Statistique inédite de l'ancienne église chaldéo-nestorienne [= Taqwīm al-kanāʾis al-nusṭūriyya], ed. and trans. P. Aziz (Beirut: Imprimerie catholique, 1909), 8 for Medina. (I am very grateful to Muriel Debié for providing me with a copy of this text.) Modern scholars seem somewhat divided over the usefulness of the information provided in this source, which was written after the turn of the seventeenth century ce. J.M. Fiey, for example, noted that, “Cet ouvrage est d'ailleurs un factum tardif sans aucune valeur historique”; see his “Comment l'occident en vint à parler de ‘Chaldéens’”, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 78/3, 1996, 167Google Scholar, n. 29. Others, however, have given more weight to it, including Aigrain, R., “Arabie”, in Baudrillart, A. et al. (eds), Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, vol. 3 (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ané, 1924)Google Scholar, col. 1333; Robin, C.J., “Arabia, Christians and Jews in”, in Vauchez, A. et al. (eds), Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, 2 vols (Cambridge: James Clark & Co., 2000), I, 89–90Google Scholar. If this Statistique inédite were shown to contain generally reliable information, it would certainly shed remarkable new light on an otherwise totally hidden Christian community; as well as the metropolitan bishop at Medina and one at Ṣanʿāʾ, it also mentions a number of other Arabian bishops (including at Najrān and ʿUkāẓ), and a host of more minor officials and sizeable Christian communities. I have not spent much time working with this source, but my current feeling is that its information on the Ḥijāz at least seems most likely to be spurious, although if this is the case it is just as interesting that someone thought it worth inventing.

57 On early Islamic geographical definitions of the Ḥijāz and other constituent parts of the Arabian Peninsula, see also Lammens, H., “L'ancienne frontière entre la Syrie et le Ḥidjâz (notes de géographie historique)”, Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 14, 1918, 69–96Google Scholar; al-Wohaibi, A., The Northern Hijaz in the Writings of the Arab Geographers, 800–1150 (Beirut: al-Risalah, 1973), 17–31Google Scholar; Bashear, S., “Yemen in early Islam: an examination of non-tribal traditions”, Arabica 36/3, 1989, 327–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lecker, M., “Biographical notes on Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī”, JSS 41/1, 1996, 58–61Google Scholar; Retsö, J., The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 48–51Google Scholar. For a detailed discussion of the problems faced by Muslim scholars confronting this particular question, see also Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 322–34.

58 Al-Balādhurī, Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān, ed. Goeje, M.J. de (Leiden: Brill, 1866), 34–5Google Scholar; al-Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Jones, J.M.B., 3 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1966)Google Scholar, II, 711; Abū Dāwūd, Sunan, III, 281 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, bāb 28).

59 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 55 (no. 9989); al-Bukhārī, Jāmiʿ, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb, 17).

60 Al-Khallāl, Ahl al-milal, I, 127–8 (nos 143–4).

61 Al-Bakrī, Muʿjam, I, 11 (reading al-jinān, “the gardens”, instead of the published al-ḥinān).

62 For example, Aḥmad, al-Khalīl b. (attrib.), Kitāb al-ʿAyn, ed. al-Makhzūmī, M. and al-Sāmarrāʾī, I., 8 vols (Baghdad: Dār al-Rashīd, 1980–85)Google Scholar, III, 70; al-Iṣfahānī, Bilād al-ʿarab, ed. al-ʿAlī, Ṣ.A. and al-Jāsir, Ḥ. (Riyadh: Dār al-Yamāma, 1388/1968), 14–16Google Scholar; al-Bakrī, Muʿjam, I, 11–12.

63 Ḥazm, Ibn, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. Hārūn, ʿA.-S.M., 7th ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Maʿārif, 2010)Google Scholar, 421.

64 Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm, 68–70, 178.

65 Goitein, S.D., A Mediterranean Society: An Abridgement in One Volume, rev. and ed. Lassner, J. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999)Google Scholar, 146. See further Levy-Rubin, “Shurūṭ ʿUmar”, 174–80; Ward, “Fragment”, 415–7.

66 There is also plenty of archaeological and material evidence for continued church building; see, for example, Schick, R., The Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzantine to Islamic Rule: A Historical and Archaeological Study (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

67 For example, al-Balādhurī, Futūḥ, 34–5.

68 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 54 (no. 9987); Yaḥyā al-Laythī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, II, 470 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, no. 17); al-Shaybānī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, 285.

69 Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims, esp. 58–98.

70 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33538).

71 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33539).

72 For example, Yaḥyā al-Laythī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, II, 470 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, no. 17): ittakhadhū qubūr anbiyāʾihim masājid.

73 For a possibly more successful attempt at expelling non-Muslims from a part of the Islamic world, see Fierro Bello, “Muslim land”.

74 Such was already suggested a century ago by Caetani, L., Annali dell'islam, 10 vols (Milan: Ulrico Heopli, 1905–26)Google Scholar, II/i, 507: “In verità, la esclusione dei non musulmani della penisola arabica fu un prodotto del fanatismo religioso del II e III secolo delle Hiǵrah. Il sentimento era ancora prematuro ai tempi di Maometto, quando forse più di quattro quinti degli Arabi ancora non erano musulmani”.

75 See the references above, n. 2; also the recent study of Yarbrough, L., “Upholding God's rule: early Muslim juristic opposition to the state employment of non-Muslims”, ILS 19/1, 2012, 11–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Chronicle of Siʿirt, part 2, fasc. 2, ed. and trans. A. Scher and R. Griveau, Patrologia Orientalis 13, 1919, 601–10.

77 Again the bibliography is too large to cite in full here, but see especially Bashear, “Yemen”, and many articles by Hawting, G.R., including “The Umayyads and the Ḥijāz”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 2, 1972, 39–46;Google Scholar “Origins of the Muslim sanctuary”; “The Ḥajj in the second civil war”, in Netton, I.R. (ed.), Golden Roads: Migration, Pilgrimage and Travel in Mediaeval and Modern Islam (Richmond: Curzon, 1993), 31–42Google Scholar. Also now Shoemaker, S.J., The Death of a Prophet: The End of Muhammad's Life and the Beginnings of Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), esp. 197–265Google Scholar.

78 For example, Schwartz, S., Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 b.c.e. to 640 c.e. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Lieu, J.M., Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sizgorich, Violence and Belief; Sizgorich, “Monks and their daughters: monasteries as Muslim–Christian boundaries”, in Cormack, M. (ed.), Muslims and Others in Sacred Space (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 193–216.Google Scholar

79 Smith, J.Z., “What a difference a difference makes”, in Neusner, J. and Frerichs, E.S. (eds), “To See Ourselves as Others See Us”: Christians, Jews, “Others” in Late Antiquity (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985)Google Scholar, 47.

80 Sivan, H., Palestine in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 107–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar (quote from 111).

81 Although cf. in part Irshai, O., “Constantine and the Jews: the prohibition against entering Jerusalem – history and hagiography”, Zion 60, 1995, 129–78Google Scholar (Hebrew with English summary at x–xi).

82 Hoyland, R.G., Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 84.

83 Kelly, J.N.D., Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (London: Duckworth, 1975), 166–7Google Scholar.

84 Novellae no. 37, discussed and translated in Linder, A., The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), 381–9Google Scholar (no. 62); further discussion at 73–4 of the development of legislation concerning synagogues. There is some archaeological evidence for the conversion of synagogues into churches at roughly this time. For example, the synagogue at Jerash in modern Jordan was paved over and converted into a church in 530–31 ce; see Moralee, J., “The stones of St. Theodore: disfiguring the pagan past in Christian Gerasa”, Journal of Early Christian Studies 14/2, 2006, 192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

85 Mamre: Sozomen, Ecc. Hist., II.4. Marneion: Mark the Deacon (attrib.), Vie de Porphyre, évêque de Gaza, trans. Grégoire, H. and Kuegner, M.-A. (Paris: Société d'Édition «Les Belles Lettres», 1930), §§63–84, 92–4Google Scholar. Serapeum: Haas, C., Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 159–69Google Scholar, 207. For an interesting discussion of the symbolic uses of pagan temples by Christians at Jerash, based on archaeological and epigraphic evidence, see Moralee, “Stones of St. Theodore”.

86 Codex Theodosianus XVI.10.11, translated by Pharr, C. in The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952)Google Scholar; also discussed in Haas, Alexandria, 165–6. Book XVI of the Codex Theodosianus is full of legislation regulating the maintenance and use of, as well as the access to, pagan temples, synagogues and the churches of heretics.

87 Al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2405; Levy-Rubin, M., “Were the Jews prohibited from settling in Jerusalem? On the authenticity of al-Ṭabarī's Jerusalem surrender agreement”, JSAI 36, 2009, 63–81Google Scholar.

88 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 54 (no. 9985); X, 359 (no. 19365); al-Tirmidhī, Jāmiʿ, IV, 134 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43); Aḥmad, Musnad, I, 29, 32; III, 345; Abū ʿUbayd, Amwāl, 107 (no. 271).

89 For just a few examples, Abū Dāwūd, Sunan, III, 268 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, bāb 22); al-Bukhārī, Jāmiʿ, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb 17); II, 294–5 (Kitāb al-Jizya, bāb 6).

90 Al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, XIV, 336–7.

91 Al-Sarakhsī, Sharḥ, III, 257.