U.S. Seeks to Add India to NATO Plus
Modern Diplomacy
Newsroom
June 3, 2023
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A message arrived a few days ago: "In a significant development ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the U.S., a powerful congressional 'committee' has recommended strengthening NATO Plus by including India.
NATO Plus (currently NATO Plus 5) is a security arrangement that strengthens global defense cooperation between NATO and five allied countries: Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel, and South Korea.
By including India, it is said that 'seamless information sharing will be possible between these countries, and India will be able to access the latest military technology without time lags.'
The 'House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party,' led by Chairman Mike Gallagher and Ranking Member Raja Krishnamoorthi, overwhelmingly adopted a policy proposal to strengthen deterrence against Taiwan, including the strengthening of NATO Plus by adding India.
"To win the strategic competition with the Chinese Communist Party and ensure the security of Taiwan, the United States needs to strengthen its relationships with allies and security partners, including India. Including India in the NATO Plus security arrangement would 'build on the close U.S.-India partnership to strengthen global security and deter Chinese Communist Party aggression throughout the Indo-Pacific,' the Select Committee recommended."
Regarding this news, Indian Ambassador and prominent international observer M.K. Bhadrakumar comments:
“Indian lobbyists who dream of a military alliance with the U.S. are excited by the breaking news that the U.S. House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition between the Chinese Communist Party and the U.S. has adopted a policy proposal to strengthen deterrence against Taiwan, specifically by strengthening NATO Plus by adding India.
In fact, NATO Plus is a privileged group under the alliance umbrella consisting of AUKUS members and Japan.
This news may be related to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the U.S.—is it kite-flying or a pressure tactic (or perhaps both)? More likely, it is that Washington is troubled by India's new enthusiasm for trying to lead the 'Global South' in world forums.
What does India have to do with the 'deterrence of Taiwan,' an entity we do not recognize?
What is the point of NATO Plus, which does not have Article 5 and cannot be an asset to Modi's vision?Perhaps the experience of the U.K., the U.S.'s closest ally, should be a hint. Considering the word limit, I will quote just a few lines from the U.K. House of Commons committee report dated March, which included recommendations for the Rishi Sunak administration:
“The U.K.-U.S. relationship in defense, security, and intelligence is robust and enduring. Since 1945, the two countries' militaries have fought together in many campaigns and have cooperated in the development of equipment and doctrine. The U.K. benefits from U.S. resources and economies of scale, while the U.S. benefits from the U.K.'s niche capabilities, global reach, and willingness to defend U.K. values. However, defense industrial cooperation is often limited as a result of U.S. defense export controls. Also, as demonstrated by the withdrawal from Afghanistan, failing to consult allies before taking action can lead to poor outcomes. Nevertheless, the joint approach to Russia's actions in February 2022 demonstrates the value of the U.K.-U.S. relationship.”
The U.K. lives and survives as a global power thanks to the U.S., and that is not the case for India, so this analogy is clearly insufficient.
However, realism is necessary. There is no such thing as a free lunch in the American way of life, and 'interoperability' in any form of NATO will inevitably mean living on U.S. munitions and aligning with U.S. global strategy. Europe has learned the bitter fact that nothing grows under a banyan tree. Setting aside the occasional charming speech by Emmanuel Macron, European defense remains a chimera.
It is conceivable that the House Select Committee is a doormat for U.S. arms manufacturers. Paradoxically, this move came just two weeks after the Indian Navy successfully test-fired the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile from the frontline stealth guided-missile destroyer INS Mormugao, and within 15 weeks of India signing a $375 million contract with the Philippines to supply three batteries of BrahMos missiles, the most prestigious export order the Indian defense industry has ever won.
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1 [NATO Plus, Fact for Prelims (FFP), Source ET, Background U.S. House Select Committee on the CCP recommends including India in NATO Plus.]
NATO Plus, the current NATO Plus 5, is a security arrangement between NATO and five allied nations—Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel, and South Korea—to strengthen global defense cooperation.
2 [U.S. House Select Committee on the CCP recommends making India a member of NATO Plus]
Reference Articles
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Over the past decade, the world has gathered irreversible momentum in global geopolitical shifts, including the fragmentation and reconfiguration of the international order. This is largely due to the emergence of the Indo-Pacific region as the center of gravity for the world.
While reports of the death of the U.S.-led liberal international order may be exaggerating reality, the shift toward multipolarity is definitely underway.
The main reasons for such a power shift are the continued rise of China and the accompanying strategic complexity. That complexity is the intensification of the U.S.-China hegemonic struggle and the geopolitical coercion of other major powers, particularly Asian nations dependent on the Chinese economy.
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Abstract
India is currently facing a security dilemma due to the rise of China, Russia's strategic convergence with China, and the uncertain Indo-Pacific policy stance of the United States.
To overcome this dilemma, India's transition from non-alignment to strategic autonomy raises several questions about India's future strategic direction, particularly
whether to form a formal alliance with the U.S., continue relations with China, or maintain close historical ties with Russia, or whether to more robustly pursue its Act East
policy. This paper attempts a critical analysis of the various strategic options available to India and argues for maintaining strategic autonomy while forming a quasi-alliance with the U.S. India can simultaneously maintain relations with Russia, China, and ASEAN. However, as much as possible, it will likely show a tendency to support a multipolar Asian paradigm rather than a zero-sum alliance system, and seek to play a leading role on the international stage.